The
Constitutional Treaty and Referenda
(3)
Ratification Process
Contents:
•
How
will the EU get from the Constitutional Treaty agreed by the Member
States to the Constitutional Treaty ratified by its Member States
and in force?
•
What
are the issues about holding a referendum?
• What
happens if one or more countries say no?
•
The
position regarding the holding of referenda is at present (July
2004)
•
Other Papers in this Series
How
will the EU get from the Constitutional Treaty agreed by the Member
States to the Constitutional Treaty ratified by its Member States
and in force?
The Constitutional
Treaty was agreed by the Member States on 18 June 2004. It will be
signed in the autumn of 2004. After that, the Member States have 2
years to ratify it. It cannot come into force unless all Member States
ratify it. When
asked what would happen if the Constitutional Treaty was not ratified
by one or more Member States, an official of the European Commission
indicated that this would not happen and that there is therefore
no official position of what would occur in such an eventuality.
Member
States can ratify the Constitutional Treaty by
•
A decision in their national parliament
•
A referendum
In
some Member States one or the other method is laid down as the only
one allowable. However, a number of Member States that do not have
to have a referendum have now decided to hold one. Some Member States
are still undecided about this.
There
have been some calls for a European Union wide referendum. However,
this is both politically and constitutionally more than unlikely.
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What
are the issues about holding a referendum?
Information
Available to the Public
The Convention on the Future of Europe was set up to bring the European
Union closer to its citizens. In this, it failed. The
turnout in the European Parliament elections in 2004 is testament
to this, as is the level of success achieved by parties that are
anti-European Union or European Union sceptic. The European Parliament
elections were fought in most countries on national issues and were
seen as an opportunity for the electorate to issue their national
governments with serious criticism. These criticisms were not, in
the main, related to European issues.
The
level of information available to European citizens about the Constitutional
Treaty is significant. The websites listed in our Briefing
Paper 5 alone provide access to a large amount of this
information. However, the information is not readily accessible.
It is not, as it were, ‘in your face’. The media do
not devote serious attention to it, and so, nor does the public.
It takes effort to access, digest, understand and use this information
to reach conclusions about the pros and cons of the Constitutional
Treaty.
In
order to ensure that any referendum has any chance of being conducted
on the basis of a real understanding of the Constitutional Treaty
and the issues it raises, a massive public education campaign is
needed. This will have to be supported not only by politicians at
national level, but also by the media. MEPs can play a role in this.
What
are these issues?
The Constitutional Treaty is a long and complex document. It runs
to some hundreds of pages. It covers fairly simple concepts, such
as the flag and anthem of the EU and it covers some extremely complicated
issues relating to development, trade, foreign policy, asylum and
migration and justice and home affairs to name but a few.
A referendum,
by its very nature, tends to ask a single, simple question.
There
could be many reasons why individual voters might be in favour or
against the Constitutional Treaty. Answering a single question on
the whole of the Constitutional Treaty is unlikely to allow them
to voice their real concerns. Nor is the referendum process likely
to engage governments in real discussions with the electorate about
the key issues the electorate is concerned about.
How
would a government even go about measuring or assessing, which of
the components of the Constitutional Treaty the electorate is in
favour of or not? There will be differences between different groups
of the electorate.
A referendum
is, thus, a very blunt instrument to deal with this complex issue.
Will
the vote, as it did in the European Parliament elections, be cast
on the basis of disaffection with their current government? Will
the vote be cast on the basis of current events in the world rather
than on the question of the Constitutional Treaty? Will the media
use the opportunity to make it into a vote on whether or not a particular
country should or should not be in the European Union?
All
these are good and valid questions, but they do not relate directly
to the Constitutional Treaty or to the question of whether it should
be ratified or not.
What
Question will be asked?
At this stage it is not at all clear what question will be asked
in any of the referenda. Nor is it clear whether the question will
be the same in all the referenda. However, the way the question
is formulated is going to be critical to the ability of individuals
to make an informed choice. This is an issue which needs to be watched
in the future as the referenda campaigns are fought.
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What
happens if one or more countries say no?
The official
position is that this won’t happen. However, it could happen
and it would be useful to consider this question, both at national
level and at European Union level. At national level, this is certainly
a question to ask the various campaigns and the government during
any referendum campaign. It
is possible that only one country says no. Legally, even that, and
even if it were the smallest and least populated country of the
EU, would mean that the Constitutional Treaty could not come into
force. However, there might then be a political solution found which
would allow progress to be made.
It
is possible that a country that said no might decide as a result
to withdraw from the EU. This might be a long and difficult process,
but it is possible. The implications for the EU would depend on
which country it is.
It
is possible that several countries say no. This could lead to a
two speed European Union where those who are keen to make progress
would do so in so far as is possible with the others staying on
the sidelines. There are precedents for this in the Schengen Agreement
and in the adoption of the Euro.
It
is possible that so many countries say no that the Constitutional
Treaty has to be renegotiated. This has implications and raises
questions:
• Renegotiation costs time and money; would such an approach
lead to a revised Constitutional Treaty that was so different from
the current one that it would achieve a different result?
• Renegotiation on which issues? There are many different
– and mutually contradictory concerns citizens in different
Member States have. How could they be accommodated in new negotiations?
How would they even be identified through the referendum process?
Finally,
where would it leave the European Union if the Constitutional Treaty
either fell completely or was significantly delayed in its implementation?
It would leave it legally in the position it is now. However, a
number of the processes foreshadowed in the Constitutional Treaty
are under way. The European Armaments Agency has been established.
The European Joint External Service (part of the proposal for a
Union Foreign Minister) is developing slowly.
The
consequences of saying no are by no means certain nor are they clearly
predictable.
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The
position regarding the holding of referenda is at present (July 2004)
| Country |
Referendum? |
When
/ What is the state of play |
Major
EU-related referenda |
| Denmark
|
Yes
|
Tradition
of holding referenda on major EU issues. |
1972
- EC membership
1986 - Single European Act
1992 - Treaty of Maastricht
1993 - Treaty of Maastricht (w. opt-outs)
1998 - Treaty of Amsterdam
2000 - EMU membership |
| France |
Yes |
President
Chirac announced on 14 July that the referendum on the Constitution
would be held in the second half of 2005. |
1972
- EC enlargement
1992 - Treaty of Maastricht |
| Ireland
|
Yes |
Tradition of holding referenda on major EU issues. Usually takes
18 months to 2 years to organise but the process can be speeded
up. Taoiseach Ahern announced on 6th July that the referendum
would take place in 2005. |
1972
- EC membership
1987 - Single European Act
1992 - Treaty of Maastricht
1998 - Treaty of Amsterdam
2001 - Treaty of Nice
2002 - Treaty of Nice |
| Portugal
|
Yes |
Announced
by the Portuguese PM Jose Manuel Durao Barroso on 23 June 2004.
The referendum is likely to take place in early 2005. |
|
| Spain |
Yes |
In
February 2005 |
|
| United
Kingdom |
Yes |
Although
not needed under existing UK constitutional arrangements Tony
Blair announced on 20 April 2004 at the House of Commons the
government's intention to hold a referendum. The plebiscite
is likely to take place following the UK's general elections
in late 2005. |
1975
- EC membership |
| Belgium
|
Likely |
Prime
Minister Guy Verhofstadt has said he would be in favour of a
non-binding referendum |
|
| Luxembourg |
Likely |
Likely
Referendum likely even though the Constitution does not envisage
one. |
|
| Netherlands
|
Likely |
Likely
Both senate and lower house in favour of a referendum which
could take place in December 2004, during the term of the Dutch
Presidency. |
|
| Estonia |
Undecided |
Discussion
in parliament, government and the media; decision is unlikely
before the beginning of 2005. |
September
2003 - EU membership |
| Latvia |
Undecided |
|
September 2003 - EU membership |
| Lithuania
|
Undecided |
Discussion
underway. |
May
2003 - EU membership |
| Poland
|
Undecided |
Both
Polish President Aleksander Kwasniewski and caretaker Prime
Minister Marek Belka have said that they were in favour of holding
a referendum. |
June
2003 - EU membership |
| Slovenia
|
Undecided |
|
March
2003 - EU membership |
| Finland
|
Unlikely
|
|
1994
- EU membership |
| Hungary
|
Unlikely
|
No
real debate. |
April
2003 - EU membership |
| Slovak
Republic |
Unlikely
|
Both
Prime Minister Mikulas Dzurinda and President Ivan Gasparovic
are opposed to a referendum. |
May
2003 - EU membership |
| Austria |
No |
Very
unlikely (unless a lot of other Member States were to hold one) |
1994
– EU membership |
| Germany
|
No |
Proposal
to hold a referendum rejected by the Bundestag. However, the
discussion on this issue continues. |
|
| Greece
|
No |
Tradition
of ratifying treaties by parliament |
|
| Italy |
No |
The
Italian Constitution does not currently permit a referendum
on this issue. |
|
| Sweden
|
No |
Tradition of holding referenda only when there are splits within
the parties (eg on EMU). |
|
| Cyprus |
No |
To
be ratified by national parliament. |
1994
– EU membership
2003 – EMU membership |
| Czech
Republic |
No |
Referendums
are not feasible under the Czech Constitution. |
June
2003 – EU membership |
| Malta
|
No |
On
17 October 2003, PM Eddie Fenech Adami ruled out the possibility
of a referendum arguing that there is no legal basis for holding
such a referendum and that the March referendum (on EU accession)
had been decisive. |
March
2003 – EU membership |
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Other
Papers in this Series
(1)
Historical Development HTML
PDF (274kb)
(2)
Key Components of the Constitution HTML
PDF (217kb)
(4)
Pros and Cons of the Constitution HTML
PDF (206kb)
(5)
Sources of Additional Information HTML
PDF (116kb)
(6)
Actions
Points HTML
PDF (162kb)
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